Byzantine Art      

The church Sveti Panteleimon at Nerezi

South of the town Skopje, on the slopes of Vodno Mountain close to the village of Gornji Nerezi, lies the little church dedicated to Sveti Panteleimon.[1] The church is one of the most important monuments of the Republic of Macedonia. It is only about fifteen metres long and is built partly of bricks and partly of ordinary blocks of stone, most probably quarried in the surrounding area. Although it cannot be described as a monumental church, its overall design is harmonious. In today’s terms one would say that it is definitely photogenic (pict. IX 1). It is built in the form of a Greek cross: within a rectangular area with an octagonal middle cupola on a drum and four smaller square cupolas on the enclosed spaces at the corners. These spaces are separated from the inner space of the church. The central drum has eight windows with arches and the other four cupolas four windows with arches at each side. The arms of the cross have a barrel vault and around the four cupolas there are mono-pitched roofs. The cupolas and the roofs are covered with roof-tiles. The walls of the bema stand back at two places forming extra triumphal arches. On each side there is an opening to the diaconicon and prothesis respectively. At the west end there is a narthex with a barrel vault, which was built at the same time as the church. On the walls of the church and above the doors one can see a number of windows with transennas and arches.

An inscription on a marble plaque above the entrance door of the church tells us that it was built in 1164 at the instigation of Prince Alexios Angelos, son of Constantine Angelos and Theodora, the youngest daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Comnenus (1081-1118) and sister of Emperor Ioannis II (1118-1143). Prince Alexios Angelos belonged to the second line of the Comnenus dynasty. Although not much is known about his life it is generally supposed that he was a feudal landowner who possessed estates near Skopje, where he was in government service.

It may be assumed that the architect/builder of this church came from Constantinople, judging by its harmonious forms without great adornment. It is the choice of building materials that gives the church its special appearance. It may be assumed that the church was the katholikon of a small monastery standing in a court surrounded by buildings to house the monks.

Throughout the course of the centuries considerable restoration work has been carried out so that it is no longer possible to say what is original and what is not. New buildings were erected and other edifices broken down. The impression is that most of the buildings are from the twentieth century. At any rate the church itself is for the most part original, although it has suffered from a number of earthquakes during the centuries. Within the walls surrounding the church a well supplied cool water throughout the year. No paintings, prints or drawings have survived from which one could get an idea what the monastery buildings looked like in the past. One of the larger nearby buildings has been transformed into a restaurant, where especially on Sunday mornings it can be very busy when parents have their children baptised. Part of the monastic lodgings at the right side of the entrance is still in use for receiving guests.

Between the wall paintings of Sveti Sophia at Ohrid and those of the church at Nerezi there is a period of about 150 years and the difference in the styles of painting is striking. The surviving wall paintings inside the Church Sveti Panteleimon are typical exponents of the Macedonian Renaissance style. As pointed out in Chapter V this is characterised by a naturalistic expression in faces and clothing. A good example of the approach of this style can be found in one of the manuscripts of that time, in particular in the so-called Homilies of James Kokkinobaphos from about 1130-1150, now stored in the Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome. Folio 127v depicts the Annunciation (pict. IX 2). The expression on the face of the Virgin and the fluttering in the clothing of the angel and to a somewhat lesser extent in that of the Virgin express the same vivid style of painting, which can be seen in the wall paintings of this church at Nerezi.

The Church Sveti Panteleimon was originally completely covered with wall paintings of high quality. In 1555, however, a severe earthquake destroyed a part of the church and its wall paintings. The central dome collapsed and the apse was seriously damaged. A large number of the original wall paintings, in particular those on the upper parts of the walls, were seriously damaged and could not be restored. Some of the arches with paintings relating to the Dodecaorton were also damaged. At that time, 1555, the country was suffering under the Turkish occupation and oppression. Nevertheless, the monks, with help of the relatively poor people, succeeded in restoring the church with great love for their church and with the utmost exertion. Artists were invited to paint new wall paintings in the renewed areas alongside the undamaged originals, adapting their compositions to the partially preserved old paintings. Fortunately the 1963 earthquake in Skopje caused hardly any damage to the church; only a number of small cracks appeared in one or two wall paintings.

During the nineteenth century, for some unaccountable reason, the church interior was completely repainted with wall paintings of inferior quality. These were painted over the existing wall paintings. The originals were rediscovered during restoration work in 1926 and the old frescoes were uncovered. Extensive studies were made about the dating and the painters. Experts put forward different interpretations, but it is now generally accepted that the paintings are the work of two artists, who differ in their use of colour rather than of line.[2] The painters are not known by name, but taking into consideration the connections of Prince Alexios Angelos with the court in Constantinople, it may be assumed that the builders and the painters originated from that city. The wall paintings made in this relatively small church are considered one of the more important achievements from the Comnenen period, where the painters have succeeded in executing a preconceived theological programme. The iconography had a strong emotional expressiveness which is inherent in the delicate stylistic framework of the second half of the twelfth century: personal emotion and drama in the composition. It is one of the first churches where large scale wall paintings were made. This technique requires rapid execution.

The saint from whom the church derives its name, Sveti Panteleimon, was according to a Greek legend, a physician who practised without taking any fees.[3] He was born in Nikomedia in Asia Minor, date unknown. His mother Evula was a Christian, but his father, who has the name Eustrogios in the legend, was a pagan senator. The young Panteleimon was given a medical education. When he met the priest Hermelaos[4] he was converted to Christianity. Panteleimon seems to have been very skilled in his art of healing, which was the envy of his colleagues. They accused him of being a Christian. About the year 305, he was tortured by being bound to an olive tree. He prayed for remission of the sins of his executioners, whereupon Christ named him “the All-compassionate”. A beautiful fresco-icon with his portrait (pict. IX 3) can be found on the column of the south-side of the church facing the entrance. This formed part of the old stone iconostasis, of which the architrave beam, a pillar with a capital and a part of the parapet plaque has been preserved. The saint is represented here as a young man with dark brown hair accentuated by light brown lines, heavy eyebrows above attentive eyes and a long thin nose. He has a gentle face with a small pursed mouth. His cheeks are streaked with small brown and red lines. In his right hand he holds a scalpel and in his other hand a medicine chest. He has been depicted against a blue background. The painting is surrounded by a round trefoil stucco arch with sculptured plaited ornaments, leaves and two peacocks. It rests on two double pillars with capitals. At the other side a standing figure of Maria with child has been depicted. Unfortunately the head and breast part were lost. The same trefoil arch that surrounds her depiction, however, is a copy of the original.[5] This column also formed part of the iconostasis.

It may be assumed that the original cupola contained a Christ Pantocrator surrounded by His disciples, or by prophets. The present wall painting originates from the sixteenth century and will not be discussed here. The walls of the church were covered with frescoes that represent the great orthodox feasts, the dodecaorton and a large number of saints. A relatively large number of the frescoes from 1164 have been preserved, in particular the two lowest layers.

The half dome of the apse contains a sixteenth century Maria Platytera. Beneath this fresco the Communion of the Apostles has been depicted on the cylinder of the apse. In the centre a large altar table with two patens and a chalice has been painted around the three windows of the apse and below a ciborium with four columns (pict. IX 4). To the left and right of the ciborum two deacon angels are holding a flabella. At the left side of the altar table Christ takes bread from the paten and offers a piece to Peter who receives it in both hands. He bows deeply before Christ as he accepts the bread. Behind Christ an angel is standing by. This is remarkable, because two deacon angels were not unusual in the twelfth century, but as far as can be traced, the painters for the first time have depicted four angels. Behind Peter another apostle has been positioned. The apostles approach the table in two processional files rendered on the north and south walls of the bema respectively.[6] On the right side of the altar table Christ offers the chalice with wine to Paul (pict. IX 5). Here too an angel stands by and another apostle behind Paul approaches to receive the chalice from the hands of Christ. Each of the four angels is depicted as an officiating deacon. The purpose of such scenes in the half cylinder of the apse is to place the sacrament of bread and wine in a Eucharistic setting with Christ as priest although not in liturgical vestments, rather than illustrating the events of the Last Supper. The apostles receive the sacrament standing, usually bowing to Christ and receiving the bread in their hands. On the side wall, another apostle looks back to three others who are following with outstretched open hands (pict. IX 6). The changing style of painting, which reached its climax in the Church Sveti Djordje at Kurbinovo is clearly to be seen in their clothing it,. The procession of the apostles on the different walls is interrupted by candelabra represented on the recesses of the walls (pict. IX 5, right side; pict. IX 6, centre).

On the north wall, also part of the Communion of the Apostles, a remarkable scene has been painted: two apostles are shown embracing each other (pict. IX 7). The two are almost certainly Peter and Paul, although Andrew and Luke have also been suggested. Such scenes were known in the western countries and became popular after the Petrine doctrine by Pope Damasus I (366-384).[7] According to surviving evidence, the Kiss of the Apostles in the scene of the Communion appears for the first time at Nerezi,[8] although it is doubtful whether Peter and Paul ever met in Rome. The scene of the apostolic embrace became a popular subject either as a representation of the assumed “historical” meeting in Rome or as an allegory symbolising oecumenical peace, apostolic harmony and fraternal reconciliation[9].

The founder of this church, Prince Alexios Angelos, was a cousin of Emperor Manuel I. The latter had the huge political ambition of becoming the new Roman Emperor, thereby assuming power over both Byzantium and Latin West. Therefore an important pre-requisite was the union of the two churches.[10] Alexios supported his cousin and the inclusion of the Kiss at Nerezi might thus represent one of many aspects of the close co-operation between the two Comnenian cousins.[11]

Below the scene of the Communion of the Apostles a long row of hierarchs, leading fathers of the Eastern Church, proceed to the central part on the half cylinder of the apse on the north and south walls. In the Sveti Sophia at Ohrid, a similar group stands motionless and frontally beside each other, in this church they bow devotionally to a central point below the windows. To the left we see Archbishop Ioannis Chrysostomos (pict. IX 8) followed by a row of other bishops: Gregory of Niazanz (most probably) (pict. IX 9)[12], Epiphanios of Cyprus and Gregory Thaumaturgos. To the right are Archbishop Basil the Great of Caesarea followed by Athanasius of Alexandria (pict. IX 10), Gregory of Nyssa and Nicholas of Myra (pict. IX 11). Each of them holds an unrolled scroll with a text originating from their prayers or sermons. The Greek text of Gregory of Niazanz reads: “Our Lord, Pantocrator who is the only holy one, who receives the sacrifice of our praises”.[13] Gregory Thaumaturgos’ text reads: “Lord, our God, who lives in the high and looks down on those who are humble, you the Salavation”. Epiphanios of Cyprus is saying: “Holy God, you who lives amongst the saints”. Athanasius the Great is praying: “Master, our Lord, you who has drawn up the lines in heaven and …”[14] Over their polystaurion they wear an omophorion decorated with large black or brown poloi or crosses; Nicholas of Myra wears a white phelonion.

Epiphanios[15] was a native of Palestine. He became a monk and founded a monastery in Judea in 313 at the age of twenty. Later he became abbot of Eleutheropolis, where he chiefly wrote and preached against Arianism in imperial circles. He became metropolitan of Salamis in Cyprus in 367.

Gregory of Nyssa[16] died about the year 395. He was a younger brother of Basil the Great who in 372 appointed him Bishop of Nyssa, a diocese in Armenia where the Arians were the predominant group. He became famous for his writings as philosopher and mystic[17].

The archbishops and hierarchs stand life size facing in the direction of a so-called Hetomasia,[18] the empty throne for the Second Parousia, the return of Christ, when He will judge the living and the dead. It is located beneath the three windows of the apse. The row of bowing archbishops and hierarchs with unrolled scrolls in their hands who enter from both sides is also called the Great Entrance.[19] It forms the most significant part of the liturgy, in which the Second Parousia is clearly expressed. The Great Entrance is symbolic of the frightening Second Coming of Christ, of the Day of Judgement.[20] One of the oldest examples is the scene described in this church. Only some years later the empty throne will be replaced by the body of Christ lying in the paten, the Melismos. Usually Ioannis Chrysostomos stands in front. He is the creator of the Byzantine liturgical formula. Angels dressed in a white chiton each with a flabellum in their hands stand on both sides of the throne (pict. IX 12). The sides of the empty throne itself are richly adorned with gems and precious stones. On the seat lies a purple pillow and the back of the throne is covered by a blue and white cloth. Just behind the throne stands a cross on which the crown of thorns hangs. At each side of the cross behind the throne are the spear and the stick with the sponge. Against the back of the throne rests a closed Gospel which is decorated with a cross and precious stones on the cover. A dove with outspread wings, symbolising the Holy Ghost, flutters above the book. Unfortunately the wall painting has been slightly damaged on the right side just between the elbow-rest and the angel and at the lowest part.

The place of the Hetomasia, under the windows in the half cylinder of the apse, seems to be rather unusual. It might have been expected that this throne would be included in the depiction of the Last Judgement. However, this development began to appear in Last Judgment illustrations only during the second half of the eleventh century. Some authors refer to the Apocalypse for the origin of the throne symbolism, but an older and more comprehensible reference may be found in the Psalms.[21] “And he shall judge the world in righteousness, he shall minister judgements to the people in uprightness”. “The Lord has prepared his throne in the heavens; and his kingdom ruleth over all.” The empty throne represents the unseeable, spiritual presence of the Almighty and is the symbol of the power of God in heaven, on which seat of honour no human being may take a place. The church fathers apply to the throne in an attitude of devotion, more or less in the same way as the officials of the empire turned themselves to the emperor on his throne, a practice that is older than the origin of the Christian belief.

At the right side of the triumphal arch a large standing figure of the Virgin can be found. She listens to the announcement of the Archangel Michael. The top part of her head has disappeared, unfortunately. She stands on a suppedion before a sculptured, throne-like chair without a back, which has been lavishly ornamented with precious stones. At the right side the sculptured head of a lion can be distinguished (pict. IX 13). On the chair lies a purple coloured pillow. The Virgin stands in front of a house. Behind her a curtain fixed to one side of the door-post reveals the entrance of the house, while at the left side a balcony with a railing is visible behind which stand two trees. The Virgin holds her right hand to her breast as if the message of the archangel has frightened her. In her other hand she holds the distaff from which a thread goes down to a basket on the ground. Only a few tiny fragments remain of the wall painting of the Archangel Gabriel on the other side of the triumphal arch.

A number of the frescoes in this church cover a complete wall, which was not usual before that time. On the west-wall the Birth of Maria has been depicted (pict. IX 14). Anna, the mother of the Virgin, sits on a richly decorated bed, young female servants stand around her with food and drink and on the right side a young woman has just entered through the door. In the left corner the infant is being bathed by two midwives. To the right of this scene only a small part of the Presentation of the Virgin in the temple has been preserved. All that remains to give us a small impression of the original scene, is the Virgin Maria and her parents with a number of maidens in attendance.

Most of the scenes belonging to the Dodecaorton, which had been depicted on the higher parts of the wall, are lost.

A large fresco of the Hypapante, the presentation of the infant Jesus in the temple[22], can be seen on the south wall, though it has been partially destroyed (pict. IX 15-17). The story dates back to the command of God to Moses during the tenth plague that the firstborn among the children of Israel both men and beasts were to be offered to Him. “And when the days of her purification according to the law of Moses were accomplished, they brought him to Jerusalem, to present him to the Lord; [As it is written in the law of the Lord, Every male that openeth the womb shall be called holy to the Lord;] And to offer a sacrifice according to that which is said in the law of the Lord, a pair of turtledoves, or two young pigeons. And, behold, there was a man in Jerusalem, whose name was Simeon; and the same man was just and devout, waiting for the consolation of Israel: and the Holy Ghost was upon him”[23] (pict. IX 17). Moreover, as Luke’s detailed narrative relates, Simeon would not die before he had seen Christ. When the parents brought the child to the temple “to do for him after the custom of the law”, a ceremony that is known as Redemption and is to take place thirty days after the birth of the child, Simeon took the child in his arms and blessed God. Luke also reveals that also present was a woman called Anna, a prophetess, of the great age of about fourscore and four years. The Hypapante is one of the twelve great feast-days of the Orthodox Church and is therefore almost always depicted on the walls of the churches. It is, moreover, a popular scene for painters because they can express human feelings. The scene in fact has a double meaning: in the first place it is the purification of a woman after having given birth by a sacrifice, in accordance with the old Jewish law[24] and in the second place it is the sanctification of the firstborn child by presentation unto the Lord, also in accordance with the Jewish law. The scene shows a ciborium (pict. IX 15) under which stands an altar table covered with a red cloth on which lies a gospel. Luke does not refer especially to an altar or to whether the meeting with Simeon took place inside or outside the temple. On the left side of the ciborium the Virgin approaches with the Christ child in her arms. The child clings with His hands to the maphorion of His mother while He turns His head to Simeon (pict. IX 16) and looks at him with curiosity rather than fear. Behind Maria, stands the Prophetess Anna holding in her left hand an unrolled scroll with the words (translated): “This child has created heaven and earth”, while her right arm is outstretched towards the child.[25] Simeon stands with veiled hands at the other side of the ciborium. His facial features are those of an old man with long grey hair and a beard, heavy eyebrows, a long sharp nose and deep-set eyes (pict. IX 17). His face has been painted in a linear, almost calligraphic style that is characteristic for this period. This beautifully depicted portrait expresses his gratitude for the revelation being made to him. Simeon’s position is more or less neutral here; in later depictions he is frequently shown as a high priest. He has been painted by a skilful painter and this wall painting is among the better portraits in this church. Joseph stands behind Simeon. He holds a cage with two young pigeons in his right hand in the veil of his chiton, his other hand lies on the top of the cage (pict. IX 18). His face was painted by the same painter who portrayed the face of Simeon. The same calligraphic style showing Joseph’s short hair and beard has been used; his large eyes are looking thoughtfully at what is happening.

On the south arm of the cross, just opposite the fresco-icon of Panteleimon, the Transfiguration of Christ, or Metamorphosis, the apocalyptic theophany of Christ, has been depicted (pict. IX 19)[26]. The upper left part of the wall painting has been slightly damaged. Christ in mandorla, dressed in a white chiton stands on the top of a mountain. Beams of light radiate out from him in the direction of the figures that surround him. He makes a gesture of blessing. Classical corporeality and Christian abstractionism are no doubt used purposely in order to distinguish between the human and the divine.[27] At the right side of Christ part of the figure of Elias can be seen and on His left Moses stands on the top of a mountain. It appears as though they are moving towards Christ. Moses holds the tablets of the law in his hands. Moses can be considered as the representative of the Law, while Elias is the personification of the prophets of the Old Testament. Both show their deference to the Lord, the son of God, who will save mankind. The prophets warned the people of Israel to keep the laws of Moses and they prophesised the coming of the Redeemer. “…a bright cloud overshadowed them: and behold a voice out of the cloud, which said, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased; hear ye him. And when the disciples heard it, they fell on their face, and were sore afraid.”[28] At the foot of the mountain lie Peter, Johannes and Jacobus. Peter is looking up and stretches his hand in the direction of Christ as if saying: “Lord, it is good for us to be here: if thou wilt, let us make here three tabernacles; one for thee, and one for Moses, and one for Elias”. Johannes lies in full length on the ground, supporting his head with his right hand; his other hand is covered by his chiton. Jacobus at the right side of the fresco holds one hand in his chiton and is just getting up. Some unrecognisable vegetation has been painted throughout the scene.

It may be assumed that the same skilful painter is responsible for the wall painting, which is especially noticeable in the figure of Johannes. He lies full length on the ground, his face slightly turned to what is happening behind and above him. He has been depicted as a young man without a beard. The expression on his face is calm and attentive. Jacobus is shown with dark hair and a beard which clearly defines his face, and he has been painted with fine lines, round eyes and a sharp nose. All figures have been painted in linear style with a tendency to mannerism, which is especially noticeable in the clothing.

One of the other feast-days of the Dodecaorton is the Raising of Lazarus, which is also depicted on the south wall (pict. IX 20)[29] A large part in the upper right corner has been destroyed. Lazarus, depicted as a beardless man with an old face, stands in front of the oblong opening of an aedicula. He is wrapped like a mummy, his head covered with the sudarion. To the left of the aedicule, a man sniffs at Lazarus, recalling a passage in the Gospel of John, in which one of the sisters of Lazarus says: “by this time he stinketh: for he hath been dead four days.” On the other side another man is busy unwinding the bindings of Lazarus. Behind him some other figures have been painted, but since the upper part of each of them is missing it cannot be ascertained whether they are male or female. In the foreground a man is busy removing the stone plaque that was used to block the entrance of the aedicula. Only a small fragment of the more important part of this wall painting has been preserved. It shows Christ and the two sisters of Lazarus, Maria and Martha. Of the figure of Christ only a small part of His dark blue chiton can be seen. At His feet are the two sisters. Maria holds His feet as if intending to kiss them, while Martha looks back at what is happening behind her. The scene is divided by a small mountain that runs from right above to the middle, at the right side of which Christ and the two women have been depicted. The fresco has been painted by a less skilled painter than the artist who created the scene of the Hypapante.

The Resurrection of Lazarus is considered to be a pre-figuration of the Resurrection of Christ. For the persecuted Christians it was the hope of eternal life, which is confirmed by the more than forty depictions of the Resurrection of Lazarus found in the catacombs.[30]

On the north wall another of the Great Festivals of the church has been illustrated: the Entry into Jerusalem, or the Baiophoros (pict. IX 21).[31] The scene has been rather damaged, but in the centre, a part of the colt upon which Christ is sitting can be seen. A young man is busy cutting down branches of a palm-tree, while two others spread their garments on the road. On the right of the scene people representing of the citizens of Jerusalem are standing in front of the gate of the town. A man raises his hand welcoming the Lord. Among them there is a woman who has lifted her child onto her shoulder to enable the child to watch better the Lord’s coming to the city. She is thought to be the daughter of Zion. “Rejoice greatly, O daughter of Zion; shout, o daughter of Jerusalem: Behold, thy King cometh unto thee: He is just, and having salvation; lowly, and riding upon an ass, and upon a colt the foal of an ass.”[32] The Entry into Jerusalem can also be seen as the triumphal procession of the human Christ.[33] The figures standing in the gate of the town are relatively tall. The painter has used only a few colours to indicate their clothing.

Many scenes which illustrate the passion of Christ, such as the Last Supper, Christ’s agony in the garden, the betrayal of Judas, the Crucifixion and most probably some other related scenes, were unfortunately destroyed during the earthquake of 1555. What remains, however, are two of the most famous and frequently published frescoes of this church. They depict the Deposition, and the Lamentation, also known in western Christianity as the Pieta.

The Deposition of the body of Christ from the Cross can be found on the west side of the northern arm of the cross of the nave (pict. IX 22).[34] This scene was so far not so frequently depicted in the Orthodox churches, but was nevertheless already known by mid ninth century in the Homilies of Gregorius of Nazianz.[35] Each of the four evangelists narrates that Joseph of Arimathaea went to Pilate and asked for the body of Jesus.[36] After taking it down from the cross he wrapped the body in a clean linen cloth and placed it in a rock-hewn tomb, in which no one had ever yet been laid. John informs us that Nicodemus also came and brought a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred pound weight.[37]

In an almost empty space with mainly a blue background for the sky and two hues of green for the ground the painter has pictured a large wooden cross. A ladder has been placed against the cross on which Joseph of Arimathaea stands to take down the body of Christ. The nails in the hands of Christ have already been removed from the patibulum, the transverse beam of the cross. The dead body of Christ bends out at the middle to the left. His body is naked except for a sublicagulium. Joseph holds the immaculate body of Christ in his arms. The feet of Christ are still resting on the suppedianum, a flat wooden plank. A relatively small figure of Nicodemus rests on one knee in order to remove the nails that pinned the feet of Christ to the cross. Neither Joseph of Arimathaea nor Nicodemus have been illustrated with a nimbus. On the left side of the scene the Virgin Maria bends to the body of her son embracing His shoulders and kissing His face tenderly, while holding His right hand in her hand. On the other side Johannes takes the left hand of Christ in his covered hands. Behind Johannes stands a basket in which some of the nails have already been deposited. The painter has succeeded in expressing the inner feelings in both the faces and figures of the attendants that surround Christ by a new emphasis on personal emotion. Although the scene has been painted in the linear style of the time, with figures which are somewhat exaggeratedly tall and thin, the artist has for the first time succeeded in expressing the concept of tender compassion and deep emotion. The lined faces of the figures dramatically express their sorrow.

Equally moving in this respect is the Lamentation, or the Threnos, one of the most dramatic scenes in Byzantine art (pict. IX 23).[38] The story is not narrated in the gospels and such scenes were not known in early Christian art, but became popular in the eleventh century. The body of Christ has been laid on the ground on a linen cloth. Maria embraces her son, she has swayed to the left in a squatting position. Here she is a mother who weeps over the body of her beloved son; her face expresses deep human anguish at her loss.

It is generally assumed that two or more painters worked in this church. They may have originated from Constantinople and/or been trained in the school for the imperial foundations. We may assume that the same skilful painter of the Deposition was responsible for this painting. The high quality of the scene with its deeply distorted faces cannot make good the strange position of the Virgin, whose left leg has been painted at an inelegant and an improbable angle beneath the body of Christ. Johannes bends deeply in paroxysm over the body and holds the left hand of Christ in both his hands and his face, full of grief, looks at Christ. Joseph of Arimathaea and Nicodemus lie in proskynese positions at the feet of Christ. Behind them there are two other figures, the second of which cannot be identified because of the damage to the right side of the wall painting. The other is a woman with deep sorrow on her face, her arms outstretched to the body of Christ. It may be assumed that she is Maria of Magdala, in literature usually called Maria Magdalena, although in the New Testament she is not referred to by that name.[39] In the past Greek theologians have distinguished three Marias: the first is Maria of Magdala, out of whom Jesus drew seven devils (Luke 8:2). She was a witness to the death of her beloved Master and was one of the first to whom He made himself known after His resurrection. The second is a woman not mentioned by name in Luke (Luke 7:37-38); the third is Maria of Bethany, the sister of Lazarus, a distinguished woman. In imitation of Augustinus these three Marias were considered in the West as one and the same person. Such imitation is also after Gregorius the Great.

In the air above the mourning figures four small wailing angels in agitated pose fly around full of sorrow, one is wiping its face with the chiton. In front of the scene the arma christi has been detailed, the instruments of the Passion, the lance with the sponge, the spear, the basket with nails and the crown of thorns.

In the small half dome of the apse of the diaconicon John the Baptist (pict. IX 24) dressed in a camel’s hair raiment has been depicted.[40] He makes a gesture of blessing with his right hand, while in his other hand he holds a scroll. A separate depiction of John the Baptist, especially in a space for the preparation of the Eucharist, is rather unusual and may have some connection with the depiction of Maria in the prothesis. He is accompanied by two unidentified deacons who are painted below him at both sides of the window. Both are dressed in a white sticharion from which an orarion hangs from the left shoulder. They both hold the vessels for the Eucharist in their hands. The one to the left has dark hair and a heavy rounded beard that starts on his cheeks; the other has a pointed beard. On the cupola there is an image of the Ancient of Days. Inside the diaconicon a number of bishops have been portrayed. In the passageway two famous physicians, Cosmas and Damian, have been illustrated facing each other (pict. XI 25-26). Cosmas and Damian[41] were twin Arab brothers, who practised their profession without taking money from their patients, and on this account they are surnamed in the East Anargyroi (the moneyless ones).[42] A large number of legends have grown around them. According to Arab tradition they were martyred under the Roman Emperor Diocletian, and buried in or at Cyrrhos in Syria, where a church was built over their graves in the sixth century. This church was replaced by a large basilica at the instigation of Emperor Justinian I. Both churches were places of pilgrimage. Their cult spread throughout the East and the West. Cosmas and Damian in this church have been depicted in medallions at the entrance to the diaconicon. Their faces have been painted in lovely colours with a warm expressiveness and with incipient beards. The portrait of Damian especially expresses dignity.

Some other less famous anargyroi have also been depicted in medallions, including the saints Sampson, Cyrus and Johannes.[43] Sampson, who was surnamed “the Hospitable” or Xenodochius, was a distinguished citizen of Constantinople. He studied medicine and was ordained so that he could devote his life to the physical and spiritual care of the sick and destitute. He founded a hospital in Constantinople in the sixth century. Cyrus and Johannes were physicians from Alexandria and were well-known for their miraculous cures. They went to Canopus to assist a woman and her three daughters who were being persecuted as Christians. All were martyred together in about the year 303.

In the prothesis Maria has been portrayed on the half dome in an orante attitude (pict. IX 27). She is dressed in a blue robe and a purple maphorion. She has the face of a young woman and is accompanied by two young looking deacons. In the passageway to the prothesis Bishop Modestus of Jerusalem[44] and Bishop Spyridon[45] with his typical shepherd’s cap together with a number of other bishops have been depicted. These have been painted in a niche on the north wall.

The depiction of Maria and John the Baptist at both sides of the Throne for the Hetomasia (the Christ’s throne at the second parousia), may have the same significance as their more usual representation together at the Deesis. The fact that Maria has been depicted as the Virgin Orans seems to confirm this.

In the lower parts of the walls a large number of saints, painted in full length, look towards the centre the church. On the south wall, below the Hypapante, five saints have been identified (pict. IX 28). They are, from left to right, Antonius,[46] Paul of Thebes[47], Euthymius[48], Sabas[49] and an unknown monk.[50] The lower part of the wall painting has disappeared. The five are considered to be holy monks with Antonius honoured as the father of all monks. He was born at Cosmas in Egypt about 251.

Antonius was made famous by a biography, which is ascribed to Athanasius. Already in his youth Antonius had a desire for martyrdom. His life changed after he read the words: “… If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven: and come and follow me.”[51] He applied these words to his own life at the age of twenty by giving his property to the poor and withdrawing into the desert to live as an anchorite. He soon became famous throughout Egypt and beyond. Large groups of hermits followed him and about the year 305 he established the first community of his followers near the Red Sea on Mount Kolzim in Mid Egypt. Community life was usually without rules but focused on an old monk, the father or abba, who gave instructions on how to live.

Antonius is shown here as an old man with a short beard divided into two points; his head is covered by a cape forming part of his hairy monk’s habit which is worn over a yellow tunic.

Next to Antonius stands Paul of Thebes, who was also born into a rich family in Egypt about the year 228. He was well educated, but at the age of twenty-two he fled into the desert to escape the persecutions under Emperor Decius. He is considered to be the first hermit who lived in caves in solitude in order to achieve complete union with God. He was visited there not long before his death, at an age of 113, by Antonius who may even have buried him. In the painting he wears a short beard and is dressed in a yellow plaited straw garment. Usually he is painted wearing a straw cap, but here he has been rendered with long grey hair.

Euthymius was born in Melitene in Armenia in the year 377. He became a priest and was charged with the supervision of all monasteries of the district. In 406 at the age of 29, he became a monk and withdrew into the desert of the mountains of Palestine in Judaea fifteen kilometres east of Jerusalem at a spot called Chân es-Sahe, together with his disciple Theoklistus. He founded several lauras and converted many Bedouins. He had a great influence on Christian thinking by opposing Nestorianism. He is said to have induced Empress Eudoxia II from Monophysitism. He died in 473 at Sahel in Palestine. He has been painted with a long grey beard reaching down to his thighs and is dressed in a black monk’s habit.

Next to him stands Sabas, another saint of poverty, who was born in Cappadocia in the year 439. He became a disciple of Euthymius and lived as a hermit for many years in various places. Later he settled in the mountains of Judaea between Jerusalem and the Dead Sea where he founded a number of monasteries, including the famous Monastery Mar Saba. He is therefore considered to be the father of Palestinian monastic life. He also strongly opposed Monophysitism. He has been depicted with a grey beard divided into two points; he is dressed in a yellow mantle tied with a fibula below his chin.

The final figure has not been identified with certainty, although considering the others it might possibly be that of Athanasius, the biographer of Antonius. He has a half long pointed beard and is dressed in a monk’s habit.

Below the Metamorphosis three other figures have been painted, saint Arsenius[52] with two unidentified monks. Arsenius was surnamed “the Roman” because he descended from a Roman family of senators. In later life he withdrew into the Egyptian desert where he died at the age of 90 at Memphis.

On the south wall below the Resurrection of Lazarus three warrior saints have been depicted (pict. IX 29). They are from left to right Djordje, Demetrius and Nestor.[53] They are some of the most pictured saints of the Eastern Church. Demetrius is most honoured in Thessalonica in the fifth century where a basilica was erected to his name. Legend tells that he was a Christian Roman officer who had been arrested on the orders of Maximinian during the persecutions under Emperor Diocletian. He was martyred most probably in Sirmium by being speared to death. Another legend tells that he was imprisoned and martyred in the Roman baths near the Agora of Saloniki. After the Edict of Milan a small place of worship was created in part of the baths on the site where he was martyred. This was also believed to be the site of his tomb. It is said that aromatic oil sprang from his grave, which could heal serious diseases. A large number of other miracles are ascribed to the saint, some which even occurred after his death.

The story of Nestor is less sacred. He was a friend of Demetrius, who blessed him when he had to fight in the arena against the gladiator Lyaeus, who in turn was a friend of Emperor Maximinianus. Nestor won the fight, but was killed on the orders of the emperor. Nevertheless he is considered to be a soldier martyr.

The holy warriors are dressed in chain armour hauberks and richly decorated tunics. Djordje and Nestor hold long spears in their hands, while Demetrius draws a sword from its sheath. He holds a spear between his left arm and chest. All three have a large heart-shaped shield behind them. George and Demetrius have been depicted as young men without beards or moustaches, but Nestor has a very small thin beard and dishevelled hair.

Beside them on the west wall on the left of the door two unknown men have been portrayed (pict. IX 30). The letters indicating their names have disappeared. Most probably they are holy martyrs. They are richly dressed in courtly costumes adorned with pearls and embroidery. The man on the left wears a red tunic; he holds one finger of his right hand up as if in warning, his left hand holds part of a blue cape adorned with pearls that hangs from his shoulders. The other man wears a grey-white tunic and a red cloth around his waist. Both have a ribbon with letters on their arms. On the other side of the door two other men, also in courtly costumes, have been depicted, but a large part of this painting has been lost. Their nimbi indicate that they are saints.[54]

Below the Entry into Jerusalem, on the north wall, three other holy warriors have been depicted (pict. IX 31). They are from left to right Procopius,[55] Theodore Stratelates[56] and Theodore Tyro[57].

Procopius was a Roman officer in the army of Emperor Diocletian who converted to Christianity. Legend tells that he was one of the first victims of the persecutions in Palestine, where he was beheaded at Caesarea Maritima in 303. He holds a spear in his right hand and a white circular shield in his left. He is dressed in a short green tunic, a brown mantle, long black stockings and white boots.

Theodore Statelates, who is sometimes confused with Theodore Tyro, probably originated from Heraclea, where he was martyred during the period of Licinius. His bones were probably transferred to Euchaïta. He is portrayed in the usual manner with dark curly hair and a pointed beard. He holds a spear in his right hand and a sword in his left. A large shield stands behind him. His military dress is richly decorated with embroidery.

Theodore Tyro is said to have been recruited into the Roman army of Maximinianus. When the persecutions of the Christians started, he set fire to the temple of Cybele in protest. He was arrested and burnt alive in the same spot about 310. In legends a number of miracles have been ascribed to him. Under his military costume he wears a long blue tunic which is richly embroidered at the hem, and a brown girdle. He holds a spear in his right hand and his left arm rests on a heart-shaped shield. He has short hair and a pointed beard.

Below the scene of the Deposition of the body of Christ from the cross three other saints of poverty have been depicted. They are Macarius[58] and two unidentified ones (pict. IX 32). Macarius was born in Upper Egypt about 300. He withdrew into the desert where he remained for sixty years. It is said that he visited Antonius. As usual he has been painted with a very long beard hanging below his knees and long grey hair which falls over his shoulders in strands. He is dressed in a grey-green tunic and a brown mantle. He holds a scroll in his left hand. The words on it have disappeared. Next to him stands a monk with a cowl on his head and a short brown beard. Under his ochre mantle he wears a brown tunic. His mantle has been fixed with a fibula below his chin and two below his waist. He holds his open hands towards the viewer. The third figure is also dressed as a monk in a grey tunic and brown mantle. He holds a scroll in his hand and with a finger of his right hand he points to the text.

On the northern wall below the Threnos five saints standing in full length in a row, the so-called Hymnographers, have been painted[59]. They are from left to right Joseph the Hymnographer[60], Theophanes Graptos[61], Theodore Studites[62], Johannes Damascenus[63] and Cosmas the Hymnographer[64]. Each of the five has a scroll in his hands with words from one of his hymns (pict. IX 33 shows the last three saints mentioned). The Greek prayer on the scroll of Joseph the Hymnographer reads: “Accept O Christ these hymns from my hand.”, while the scroll of Theophanos Graptos reads: “From Theophanos the first angel hymn.” The texts of Theodore Studites, Johannes Damascenus and Cosmas the Hymnographer can only be partly deciphered and no translation is possible.

Joseph the Hymnographer was born in Syracuse in Sicily in 816 and in 831 he entered a monastery in Thessalonica. After having travelled to Rome and Constantinople he founded a monastery near the tomb of Ioannes Chrysostomos in Constantinople, where he wrote numerous hymns. He has been depicted as an old man with a pointed grey beard and a cowl on his head. He wears a dark brown tunic and a greenish mantle fastened with a fibula below the point of his beard.

Next to him stands Theophanos Graptos who lived as a monk in the Sabba Monastery near Jerusalem. He was punished for his opposition of Iconoclasm by having satirical statements inscribed on his forehead. Hence his nickname, Graptos, which means roughly, “marked with writing”. He died in 845. He has been painted wearing a yellow tunic with green shades and a brown mantle. He has a white beard divided into two points. On his head he wears a brown cowl with white decorations.

The monk in the middle is Theodore Studites (759-826). He became abbot of the Studios Monastery in Constantinople. He was one of the leading iconodules. Under his rule the monastery developed into a centre of monastic revival with influence spreading to other countries. He is one of the important figures in monastic history. Theodore is clad in a richly ornamented, vividly coloured attire which combines a monk’s habit with patriarchal vestments. The pinkish tones of his tunic highlighted with white are juxtaposed to a dark blue phelonion embroidered with gold at its hem. Under the phelonion he wears the epitrachelion and encherion, both richly embroidered with golden ornament.[65]

Next to him stands Johannes Damascenus. The wall painting just where he stands has a vertical crack. He has been detailed together with his foster brother Cosmas the Hymnographer. Johannes was born to a distinguished family in Damascus about 675. In 715 he entered the Sabbas Monastery near Jerusalem. Shortly after Iconoclasm started, Johannes wrote an important and influential apology in favour of icons. He died about 749. He has been painted wearing a brown tunic with green and white shades and a greenish mantle.

Cosmas the Hymnographer was born in Jerusalem about 706 and was adopted by the father of Johannes of Damascenus. He also entered the Sabbas Monastery in 732 and later became Bishop of Majuma in the Gaza district. He was an important hymnographer. He died about the year 760. He is dressed almost the same as his brother. Both make a gesture of blessing and both wear turban-like head dresses.

On the left and right sides of the narthex there are small rooms under cupolas, which have no open connection with the interior of the church. In these small rooms one can see very fine paintings of a number of saints. The chapel on the north side contains a depiction of a saint named Tryphon (pict. IX 34), who was one of the so-called saints of poverty.[66] He was probably from Phrygia and, according to legend he travelled to Rome where he freed the daughter of Emperor Gordian from a demon. He was only 18 years old when he was martyred under Emperor Decius. He has been depicted here, beardless, with slightly curled hair that falls around his face, with large eyes, a long sharp nose and small lips. Very thin white lines on his cheeks and forehead and two or three red lines on his lightly red coloured cheeks give his face a somewhat mysterious, but open expression. The linear approach to the face is much less accentuated than in the case of Panteleimon. Tryphon is dressed like a shepherd in a white tunic and a red mantle that is put around his left shoulder and fixed with a fibula to his tunic. In his right hand he holds a sheep-hook. It is one of the most beautiful portraits in this church, but regrettably access to the painting is difficult because the location is somewhat hidden. Some of Tryphon’s relics have been kept in a church at Kotor since the ninth century. Painted icons of Mamas (pict. IX 35) and Blasius (pict. IX 36) flank the window above the medaillon of Tryphon. Mamas was a young shepherd from Paphlagonia. In 275 he is said to have been martyred during the reign of Aurelian. Usually he is depicted with a deer that, according to legend, was feeding him. Here he has been depicted with an animal on his left arm and with a shepherd’s crook in front of him. He has a young face with an incipient. His curly hair is a little dishevelled. Over his greyish tunic he wears a mantle fixed with a ribbon.

Next to him Blasius has been similarly depicted as a shepherd wearing a white tunic and a brown mantle hanging over his shoulders. A legend tells that he was a physician, who later became a bishop at Sebaste in Armenia. He is the protector of a number of professions, including shepherds.

Opposite the painting of Tryphon on the other wall is a painting of Menas[67] (pict. IX 37). He has been depicted as a Christopher, carrying the medallion with the head of Christ on his chest.[68] It is likely that he is Menas the martyr rather than with Menas of Egypt.[69] One of the earlier pictures of Menas can be found in the Church Hagios Nikolaos tou Kasnitzi in Kastoria from the eleventh century where he has been depicted in an orante attitude and with a large medallion with a Christ figure hanging from a rope round his chest (pict. IX 38).

On the right side of the door in the narthex there is a sixteenth century painting of the Archangel Michael standing there as protector with drawn sword (pict. IX 39). Scenes from the life of the saint to whom a church is dedicated are usually depicted in the narthex, although it is not a strict rule. We might expect therefore, to find scenes from the life of Panteleimon on the walls of the narthex and indeed on the south wall there are some reasonably well preserved fragments forming part of a cycle of events from the life of Panteleimon[70]. Some fragments of a Deesis can also be seen on the tympanum.

On the left and right sides of an entrance two scenes show the saint Hermolaos, together with the saints Hermippos and Hermokrator (pict. IX 40).[71] They are thought to be three brothers. Hermolaos, the eldest of three, was the teacher of Panteleimon and is usually depicted as a priest; he is considered to be the only non-physician among the anargyroi. The three are being led to Emperor Maximian to be condemned because of their faith. Two soldiers stand behind them. Hermolaos, the eldest of the three brothers, holds a Gospel in his left hand. He has been depicted with grey hair and a rounded beard. He wears a yellow tunic embroidered on the sleeves and a red mantle. The other two are similarly dressed but wear green tunics. They have brown hair and short beards. In the corner Maximian wearing a crown is shown sitting on a throne before the doorway of a house. His left arm is raised with an open hand towards the three, most probably as a sign that he has condemned them to death. The other scene shows three bodies lying in a marble sarcophagus wrapped in white linen with their heads in a sudarion. In the foreground of the same scene a fragment has been preserved showing a soldier in the act of beheading Hermolaos. The painter apparently has combined the execution and the burial. On the left side of the scene some words of explanation have been written.[72]

On the east wall of the narthex, to the left of the entrance to the north chapel there is a wall painting of Symon Stylite[73] who holds his hands open towards the viewer. Even during his life time people considered him a holy man and pilgrims came to visit him. It was believed that touching his clothing could heal. For that reason he lived the rest of his life on a platform placed on top of a column, from which he preached twice a day.

In the corridors to the diaconicon and the prothesis a number of portraits of other saints can be seen, but these will not be discussed here.

In conclusion it can be stated that, even though the lower parts only have been preserved, the wall paintings in this church are among the best examples of the Comnenian style of painting. In particular they express human feelings in a manner rarely seen before in other churches. The influence of Constantinople and the tendencies prevailing there at the time of the painting in this church are clearly evident. This style was followed later in other locations, for example the Church Hagioi Anargyroi at Kastoria in the second half of the tenth century and in the Church Sveti Djordje at Kurbinovo in 1191. The scene in Kastoria of the Lamentation at the tomb in that church, is reminiscent of the Threnos scene in this church, particularly the face of the Virgin and the pose of Johannes.

  1. Sinkević, Ida, The Church of St. Panteleimon at Nerezi, Architecture, Programme, Patronage, Wiesbaden, 2000.

  2. Balabanov, 1995, p.45

  3. Welker, K. in LCI 8, p. 112-115, s.v. Panteleon (Panteleimon) von Nikomedien; Book of Saints, p. 429

  4. See Chapter III, baptisterium of Stobi

  5. During my latest observations in May 2002 the trefoil arch was still standing on the ground. It may be assumed that in future it will be placed on the two pillars at each side of the column.

  6. Sinković, p. 31

  7. Michaïlidis, Myron, “Les peintures murales de l’église de Saint-Jean le Théologien a Véria”, Actes du XVe Congrès International d’Études Byzantines, Athènes-Septembre 1976, Vol. II, p.467-488, fig. 22; Kessler, Herbert L., “The meeting of Peter and Paul in Rome: an emblematic narrative of spiritual brotherhood”, DOP 41, 1987, p. 265-275 and fig. 3; Vassilaki, Maria, “A Cretan icon in the Ashmolean: the embrance of Peter and Paul”, JOB 40, 1990, p. 405-422; Painter’s Manual, p. 90 only refers to the greeting.

  8. Sinković, p. 32

  9. Vassilaki, Maria, “A Cretan icon in the Ashmolean: the embrace of Peter and Paul”, JOB 40, 1990, p. 405 op.cit.

  10. ibid, p. 33

  11. ibid, p. 33

  12. Sinković, p. 35, in note 46 she has indicated him as St. John the Theologian

  13. Hebrews: 13:15

  14. The words on his scroll are the same as those mentioned by Gregory of Niazanz in Sveti Kliment

  15. Boberg, J. in LCI 6, p.154-155, s.v. Epiphanius von Constantia (von Zypern bzw. Salamina); Book of Saints, p.187.

  16. Ritter, A.M., in LCI 6, p.450-451, s.v. Gregor von Nyssa; Book of Saints, p.253.

  17. The other bishops have been described in Chapter VIII, Sveti Sophia.

  18. Bogyay, Th.v. in RbK II, p.1189-1202, s.v. Hetoimasia; idem in LCI 4, p.304-313, s.v. Thron (Hetoimasia).

  19. Kaster, K.G. in LCI 6, 455-457, s.v. Grosser Einzug; Chatzinikolaou, A. in RbK 1042-1046.

  20. Galavaris, George, The Illustrations of the Prefaces in Byzantine Gospels, Wien 1979, p.166.

  21. Psalm 9:8; 103:19.

  22. Shorr, p.17-32 distinguishes six types:

    1. Maria holds the Child who is seated facing forward in her arms. On the other side of the altar, Simeon with veiled hands hastens to receive the Child;

    2. Both Maria and Simeon hold the Child or Maria holds the Child high above the altar and hands him to Simeon who clasps his feet;

    3. The Child is standing on the altar;

    4. Simeon holds the Child in his arms;

    5. Simeon gives the Child back to Maria who holds out her hands to receive him;

    6. The swaddled Child is held by Joseph - rare.

    Wessel, K. in RbK I, p.1134-1145, s.v. Darstellung Christi im Tempel; Lucchesi Palli, E., in LCI 1, p.473-477, s.v. Darbringung Jesu im Tempel; Schiller, I, p.100-104, s.v. Die Darbringung Christi im Tempel; Maquire, H., “The Iconography of Simeon with the Christ Child in Byzantine Art”, DOP 34-35 (1980-81), p.261-269; Maguire, H., Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, Princeton, 1981, p.84-90.

  23. St. Luke 2:22-25 with reference to Exodus 13:1 and 12, Lev. 12:6-8 and Numbers 18:15-17.

  24. Lev. 12:1-8

  25. Paint.Manual 32: ... Prophetess Anna points out Christ and holds a scroll with these words: “This child has created Heaven and Earth.”

  26. St. Matthew 17:1-19; St. Mark 9:2-13; St. Luke 9:28-36.

    Lit.: Schiller I, p.155-161, s.v. Die Verklärung Christi; Myslivec, J. in LCI 4, p.416-422, s.v. Verklärung Christi.

  27. Weitzmann, K. Studies in Classical and Byzantine Manuscript Illumination, Chicago, 1971, p.164, op.cit.

  28. St. Matthew 17:5 and 6

  29. St. John 11:1-44; Lit.: Wessel, K., in RbK II, p.388-324, s.v. Erweckung des Lazarus; Meurer, H. in LCI 3, p.33-38, s.v. Lazarus von Bethanien; Schiller I, p.181-186.

  30. Schiller I, p.189f

  31. St. Matthew 21:1-11; St. Mark 11:1-10; St. Luke 19:28-40; St. John 12:12-19; Lucchesi Palli, E. in RbK II, p.22-30, s.v. Einzug in Jerusalem; ibid in LCI 1, p.593-597, s.v. Einzug in Jerusalem; Schiller II, p.28-32, s.v. Der Eizug Christi in Jerusalem.

  32. Zechariah 9:9

  33. Maguire, H., “The Lord enthroned on a donkey”, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, Princeton, 1981, p.68-74.

  34. St. Matthew 27:57-61; St. Mark 15:42-47; St. Luke 23:50-56; St. John 19:38-42. Lit.: Elliott, The Gospel of Peter, 2:3 and 6:21-24; ibid The Acts of Pilate 11:3; Boskovits, M. and Jászai, G. in LCI 2, p.590-595, s.v. Kreuzabnahme; Schiller II, p.177-181.

  35. LCI 2, p.591 - Homilies of Gregor of Nazianz, Par.gr.510, fol.30v., p.880-886.

  36. Kaster, G., in LCI 7, p.203-206, s.v. Josef von Arimathäa; Book of Saints, p.319/320.

  37. St. John 19:39; Hartwagner, G. in LCI 8, p.44, s.v. Nikodemus (von Jerusalem).

  38. Lucchesi Palli, E. in LCI 1, p.278-282, s.v.Beweinung Christi; Schiller 2, p.187-192, s.v. Die Beweinung.

  39. The Dutch Prof.Dr. Timmers in his work Christelijke Symboliek en Iconografie (Christian Symbolism and Iconography) has outlined an interesting theme, partly stated in the text. Maria Magdalena is depicted in two different ways: either she is a distinguished woman with a salve-box in her hand, or she is a woolly penitent, who weeps for her sins in loneliness. In the latter case she gets the appearance of Maria Egyptiana, who is usually depicted without clothes, her body only covered by her long hair or with a woolly camel skin.

  40. Weis, E. in LCI 7, p.164-190, s.v. Johannes der Täufer (Baptista), der Vorläufer (Prodomos); Wessel, K. in RbK 3, p.616-647, s.v. Johannes Baptistes (Prodomos).

  41. Artelt, W. in LCI 7, p.344-352, s.v. Kosmas und Damian (mit ihren Brüdern Anthimus, Leontius und Euprepius); Müsseler, A, in LCI 5, p.255-259, s.v. Ärtze, heilige; Skrobucha, Heinz, Kosmas und Damian, Recklinghausen, 1965; Painter’s Manual reveals that there are three groups of the saints of Poverty, whose names are Cosmas and Damian: those from Rome, those from Asia and those from Arabia. From Rome depicted with pointed beards, from Asia with incipient beards, from Arabia black men with incipient beards and veils bound on the heads.

  42. Book of Saints, p.139, op.cit.; Kaster, K.G. in LCI 5, p.130, s.v. Anargyren. They who were called upon at illness.

  43. Kaster, K.G. in LCI 5, p.2-3, s.v. Abbacyrus (Cyrus) und Johannes, Martt. Anargyren; Book of Saints, p. 147, s.v. Cyrus and John; LCI 8, p. 309, s.v. Sampson (Samson) Xenodochus von Konstantinopel; Book of Saints, p.496, s.v. Samson (Sampson)

  44. Kaster, G. in LCI 8, p.20, s.v. Modestus of Jerusalem

  45. Weigert C. in LCI 8, p.387-389, s.v. Spyriodon (Spiridon) von Trimithon

  46. Sauser, E. in LCI 5, p. 205-217, s.v. Antonius Abbas (der Grosze), Stern der Wüste, Vater der Mönche; Book of Saints, p. 51, s.v. Antony

  47. Weigert, C. in LCI 8, p.149-151, s.v. Paulus von Theben, der erste Eremiet; Book of Saints, p. 434, s.v. Paul the Hermit

  48. Boberg, J. in LCI 6, p. 201-203, s.v.Euthymius der Grosse von Melitene; Book of Saints, p. 199, s.v. Euthymius the Great

  49. Lechner, M. in LCI 8, p. 296-298, s.v. Sabas von Jerusalem, Abt von Mar Saba; Book of Saints, p. 493, s.v. Sabbas

  50. They have been identified by Sinkević

  51. St. Matthew 19:21

  52. Strnad, A.A. in LCI 5, p. 251-252, s.v. Arsenius der Grosze von Ägypten; Book of Saints p. 62, s.v. Arsenius the Great.

  53. For an extensive description of Sv. Djordje, see Chapter XIII – Staro Nagoričane; Myslivec, J. in LCI 6, p.41-45, s.v. Demetrius von Saloniki; Book of Saints p.154, s.v. Demetrius (Dimitri); Hartwagner, G. in LCI 8, p. 35-37, s.v. Nestor von Saloniki.

  54. Sinković, p. 61, suggests that they are holy martyrs.

  55. Poche, E. in LCI 8, p. 229-230, s.v. Procopius von Cäsarea.

  56. Weigert. C in LCI 8, p. 444-446, s.v. Theodor Stratelates (der Heerführer) von Euchaïta.

  57. Weigert. C. in LCI 8, p. 447-451, s.v. Theodor Tiro von Euchaïta (von Amasea); Book of Saints p. 535, s.v. Theodore Tyro.

  58. Ritter, A.M. in LCI 7, p. 474-476, s.v. Makarius der Ägypter, der Ältere, der Grosze; Book of Saints, p. 357, s.v. Macarius the Great.

  59. Their names have been identified by Sinković.

  60. Kaster G. in LCI 7, p. 208-209, s.v. Josef der Hymnenschreiber (von Konstantinopel); Sinković has indicated him as Joseph of Sicily.

  61. Kaster, G. in LCI 8, p. 461, s.v. Theophan Graptus, der Hymnenschreiber.

  62. Kramer, J. in LCI 8, p. 446-447, s.v. Theodor Studita (vom Studioskloster); Mouriki, Doula, “The Portrait of Theodore Studites in Byzantine Art,” JOB 20, 1971, p. 249-280.

  63. Kaster G. in LCI 7, p. 102-104, s.v. Johannes von Damaskus

  64. LCI 7, p. 343-344, s.v. Kosmas von Majuma (der Melode)

  65. Sinković, p. 62 op.cit.

  66. Böhm, B. in LCI 8, p.501-502, s.v. Tryphon von Phrygien.

  67. LCI 8, p. 7, s.v. Menas Kalikelados (von Konstantinopel)

  68. Kaster, G. in LCI 5, p. 496, s.v. Christophoren

  69. Painter’s Manual, p.74, mentions three different men named Menas: the Egyptian, the singer and as martyr with three different dates for their celebration.

  70. The remaining fragments have been studied by Hamann-Mac Lean, Grundlegung, p.268-274 and by Sinković, p. 68-71

  71. Boberg, J. in LCI 6, p. 511-512, s.v. Hermolaus mit Hermippus und Hermokrates von Nikomedien.

  72. Sinković, p. 69, note 281; for picture see IX 43.

  73. Kaster, K.G. and Squarr, C. in LCI 8, p. 361-367, s.v. Simeon Stylites der Ältere and Simeon Stylites der Jüngere vom Berg der Wunder. Most probably the first one has been depicted, he usually wears a cowl; see Sinkević, p. LX, p. 149.